Matt Yglesias

Nov 22nd, 2008 at 1:22 pm

Markets, Property Rights, and Air Pollution

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I’ve gotten interested in Brink Lindsey’s project aimed at liberal/libertarian fusionism for the 21st century. But every time I read something from the Cato Institute on climate change, I can see that it’s going to be very hard to get this particular chicken to fly. For example, here’s Daniel Ikenson writing about some tensions inside the House Democratic caucus between greens and the Michigan delegation. It’s like a postcard from an alternate reality:

The Greens want to show the world that consideration of production costs and consumer demand is passé. It’s all about the product being made quietly and invisibly. Someone should remind them there were no latte stands in the Stone Age either.

Yes, that’s right. Henry Waxman, Nancy Pelosi, Barack Obama, etc. want to return the world economy to Stone Age conditions and/or force all productive activity to be done invisibly. Does Ikenson really think this? Does he realize that Pelosi is Speaker of the House of Representatives and Obama President of the United States? If I thought those people had beliefs so crazy, I’d be doing more than writing sarcastic blog posts.

In the real world, “the Greens” believe that the negative externalities associated with carbon dioxide emissions should be priced and limited in quantity.

It’s worth going back to first principles on markets, property rights, and air pollution. To have a functioning market, you need to have property rights. And property rights need to be defined in some way or other. This includes taking some view of the relationship between property rights and particulate emissions into the air. On one conceivable conception of property rights, the Sierra Club could buy up a field somewhere and then assert that its property rights over the field give it the right to exclude any form of air pollution from wafting into its field. On that definition of property rights, which is the one “the Greens” would favor if we really wanted Stone Age economic conditions, industrial production would swiftly become impossible. You couldn’t so much as warm yourself with a fire before neighbors were accusing you of tresspassing for depositing microscopic soot particles in their lawns.

So obviously we don’t define the property rights that way.

Another way would be to say the air is just a kind of free-for-all. You just dump however much of whatever you want into it and forget about it. This is, needless to say, convenient for people who are producing a lot of pollution. But it’s not so convenient if there’s acid rain falling on your roof. Or if smog is wrecking your view. Or if you develop asthma as a result of poor air quality. Or, indeed, if your gets drowned in a flood or your fields go dry or your drinking water vanishes because of climate change. A third way is a find a middle ground. You’re allowed to emit some sulfur dioxide into the atmosphere so that industrial production can continue, but an unlimited amount so as to prevent the acid rain situation from getting out of control. The “green” proposal for carbon dioxide is essentially similar to this. It’s important, economically, that we allow there to be some carbon emissions. But it’s also important that we not have unlimited levels of greenhouse gases making the world hotter and hotter and hotter and hotter with all sorts of deleterious consequences for people’s lives.

There’s nothing intrinsic to the idea of free markets or property rights that forces anyone to adopt the “free for all” view. And there’s certainly nothing intrinsic to it that forces anyone to decide that adopting the third view is an obviously batty plot to destroy the world economy.






55 Responses to “Markets, Property Rights, and Air Pollution”

  1. Christopher Monnier Says:

    Cato’s stance on climate change is indeed frustrating. Ronald Bailey’s views seem way more sensible and open-minded, and much more in-line with what you’ve outlined in this post.

  2. Calvin Jones and the 13th Apostle Says:

    No post on the Harvard/Yale game? And you call yourself a Harvard grad?

  3. brewmn Says:

    You might have a better shot at “liberal/libertarian fusionism” if libertarians had a shred of intellectual and moral integrity, rather than being over-educated children fetishizing selfishness by dressing it in the trappings of a coherent economic philosophy.

  4. Neil the Ethical Werewolf Says:

    Man, Ikenson really is a piece of work.

    “The Greens view Detroit as carbon-belching heathens who must be brought to their knees before the almighty Sierra, Goddess of Flora and Fauna. The Laborites view the Greens as the Palinistas view those big shots who go to college to learn and stuff.”

    Is Ikenson looking for a job at the Corner? I hear they have some openings.

  5. John Emerson Says:

    It’s What Republicans Do: Overview Of the Coleman Franken Recount

  6. kafka Says:

    “…In the real world, “the Greens” believe that the negative externalities associated with carbon dioxide emissions should be priced and limited in quantity.”

    Funny how today’s “conservatives” pretend to believe in markets but don’t want proper price signals so as to make markets function efficiently. It’s standard free market economic theory that says external costs should be taxed and external benefits subsidized.

    It shows once again how today’s “conservatives” are total phonies. What they really want is crony capitalism.

  7. JimboSlice Says:

    Typical Yglesias. Throwing out catchy phrases he overheard at Harvard and applying his philosophers wit without actually giving one clear and workable proposal. What is the right amount of CO2? How do you decrease its production? Where can you decrease its production? Who do you tax? Do you tax? What countries do you need involved to solve an international issue? Typical Yglesias BS, makes about as much sense as his high rises in DC and his congestion based pricing (yeh thats a great idea increase population density AND tax congestion, bloody brilliant!)

  8. Mixner Says:

    Yes, Matthew, Ikenson’s “stone age” quip is silly overheated rhetoric. You know, like your silly “inequality run amok” quip yesterday regarding private jets.

  9. JimboSlice Says:

    Matthew Yglesias: he is like Bill Kristol and Bill O’Reilly all rolled into one fantastic never right loud mouth package.

  10. John J Emerson Says:

    Jesus, this place is a shithole. Mixner and Jimbo make Petey look interesting. Just close the comments down, Matt.

  11. Dan Kervick Says:

    Matt, I understand that you are not actually a libertarian, and that you consider your self a center-left guy who is nevertheless persistently attracted by libertarian allures, and who enjoys debating them and exploring their classical liberal, laissez faire approach to the world. Fair enough. An ongoing discussion with those who intellectually challenge us is a great way to improve our own thinking.

    But what I’m wondering is why you are so willing to have an ongoing conversation with the far economic right,i.e. libertarianism, but will not grant the same favor to the far economic left. Where are the tete-a-tetes with left-wing economists? They come in varieties quite a bit further to the left than DeLong and Krugman, you know. And some of them are very bright, innovative and ingenious. Where are the labor economists? Where are the socialists? Where are the green economists? Why don’t these people and their ideas exert any attractive pull on you at all, even if only as fit subjects for disagreement, debate and correction?

    You are still a young man, but your turn-of-the-millenium Harvard neoliberal formation perhaps already represents a passing era, and if you don’t expand your diet beyond the economic foods you learned to sample in college, you might end up being left behind. I think you really need to broaden your perspective, and not just in the area of economic theory and policy. You really need to open yourself up to the consideration of values and ways of life that extend beyond those of young, single men on the make inside urban beltways. Economics has a normative dimension as well as a descriptive one, and in the end you can’t have a wise approach to the most economically rational ways for human societies to reconcile their many conflicting values if your appreciation of those values is so limited and self-oriented.

    I still think you might want to drop your blogging and go off for a few years to go get a serious doctoral-level economics education somewhere. It’s where your true passion and talent appear to lie, not in the foreign policy area in which, for some reason, you chose to write your first book. At least that doesn’t seem to be where your greatest gifts lie right now.

    And if you don’t want to go back to school, at least see the world! I’m sorry to sound like such a cranky, lecturing old fart, but there is something depressing about seeing a bright young man bunkered inside a city, not much different from the city in which he grew up and the city in which he went to college, squandering his youth on a perpetual extension of dorm-room discussions with the same old gang of people. We only live once, and many would recommend we should take advantage of the vigor and freedom of youth to broaden our horizons, deepen our connections to life and seek spiritual, physical and experiential adventure.

    OK, I’ll go back on the other side of the usual blogospheric boundary now.

  12. Dan Kervick Says:

    On the economic issue, Matt’s criticism of Ikenson gives him too much credit. Apart from the Brookes-esque attempts to stir up cultural trouble among “greens” and “laborites”, and the substance-free rehearsal of the routine criticism that Democrats just don’t understand the business world, there is no economic thinking in the piece at all. He seems to have just discovered that Democrats, and the incoming Obama administration in particular, are inclined to address these issues under a comprehensive national strategy – even something like an “industrial policy”. He is horrified about the “collusion” this invites. Surprise.

    I expect libertarians to have many criticisms of the Obama approach, but I also expect them to find out what that approach is before they start issuing criticisms of it.

    I don’t really understand Matt’s discussion, and where it was supposed to be going, which doesn’t seem to have much direct connection with the Ikenson article. But I take it one thing he is trying to get at is not so much how we “define” property rights, but who actually possesses property. We can make decisions about what kind of balance should exists among private, public and common property, how much property private property holders will be allowed to hold. Even in a world in which everyone is granted extremely unattenuated rights over the disposition of the property they hold, we can get very different worlds based on who own things, and how much they own.

  13. Jack Says:

    If you are speaking to a libertarian, all of your points assume the he or she has the first clue about economics, human nature, or fundamental reality. And now you’re making an ass out of you and me.

  14. Christopher Monnier Says:

    > You might have a better shot at “liberal/libertarian fusionism” if libertarians had a shred of intellectual and moral integrity, rather than being over-educated children fetishizing selfishness by dressing it in the trappings of a coherent economic philosophy.

    > If you are speaking to a libertarian, all of your points assume the he or she has the first clue about economics, human nature, or fundamental reality. And now you’re making an ass out of you and me.

    Wow, ad hominem ad absurdum.

  15. Maneki Nekko Says:

    I think liberal/libertarian fusionism is a non-starter because republicans would just propose more tax cuts and most libertarians would vote GOP the way they usually do.

    Either that or they’ll desert you for some candidate with blue skin who wants to bring back the gold standard.

  16. JohnH Says:

    I’ll second the motion that Matt’s weakness for libertarianism is bizarre and galling, especially in the midst of a meltdown that has almost everyone for a change, even the mainstream, poking holes in ideology of the free-market sect. Indeed, why not join some of that discussion?

    C’mon. Seems to me that if you have to take time explaining to a libertarian what an externality is and why regulation is not the same thing as agrarian socialism, then it’s time to give up the romance.

  17. David Strauss Says:

    Well said, Matthew. The one of libertarianism’s driving principles is the “tragedy of the commons.” From a property rights perspective, the only true libertarian position would result in a complete industrial shutdown.

    Libertarians have various philosophical foundations for their politics:
    (1) Protection of property rights and self-determination
    (2) Most overall wealth generation
    (3) Providing a strong relationship between effort and reward
    (4) Minimal government, which is often a derivative of (1) from the perspective of taxation.

    They (we?) like to pretend they all at least result in the same policy goals, but they often don’t. Sometimes, they flat-out contradict each other. Environmental policy is one of those areas. Foundation (1) comes into direct conflict with (3) and (4).

    I’ve brought this contradiction up with a number of libertarians, and a common response is “just use torts,” sue the person or organization polluting your air.

    This is also an absurd position.

    Our courts have established a high threshold for environmental claims against other parties: the polluter must (often) be shown to have have uniquely and substantially caused the harm the plaintiff is suing over. This is a completely different standard than all other rights infringements:

    For example, I could be upstream from you and decide to dye the water red (with no other side-effect). You’d object to the now-red stream staining the banks along your property, and you probably wouldn’t have to prove much more to sue me: I’m affecting your property in an obvious way without permission, and you’re displeased. What I’m doing is only a step away from walking onto your property and spray-painting the stream banks red.

    Now, let’s say I run a factory and put lead into the water. Assuming the dumping is otherwise legal, you’d have to wait until multiple people develop crippling health problems uniquely attributed to my behavior before having even a shot at a lawsuit. And the plaintiffs would be lucky to live to see the ruling. I’m not a lawyer, so I can’t really explain why the burdens for environmental lawsuits seem so comparatively high.

    The other problem with environmental torts is the many-to-many nature of many envioronmental issues: many people cause environmental harm to many other people. For example, car drivers contribute significant pollution, but I cannot identify a single one as a viable target for environmental litigation. Even if we invented a many-to-many class-action model, the defendants would often be the same as the plaintiffs.

    Because of the high barriers to success and inability to practically pursue many-to-many litigation, it is unrealistic to expect real environmental enforcement to come through torts. Because, per (1), it is unacceptable to allow gross property rights infringement through environmental damage, we necessarily must have policies that do not simultaneously satisfy (1), (3), and (4).

  18. David Strauss Says:

    “I’ll second the motion that Matt’s weakness for libertarianism is bizarre and galling, especially in the midst of a meltdown that has almost everyone for a change, even the mainstream, poking holes in ideology of the free-market sect. Indeed, why not join some of that discussion?”

    The market meltdown is the result of a complex interaction between government regulators, pseudo-government agencies, and companies. Pointing to the companies and saying, “They did it! Regulate them more!” is as simplistic as it is naïve.

  19. Ed Marshall Says:

    The market meltdown is the result of a complex interaction between government regulators, pseudo-government agencies, and companies.

    Yeah, that and a multi-trillion dollar totally unregulated shadow economy where the CDS was born and raised. Do you *really* think you are going to get away with this?

  20. David Strauss Says:

    “Yeah, that and a multi-trillion dollar totally unregulated shadow economy where the CDS was born and raised. Do you *really* think you are going to get away with this?”

    The credit default swaps were largely traded on mortgages backed by pseudo-federal agencies (correctly) assumed by companies to be effectively immune to failure. The CDS market was also unregulated in the “invisible hand” sort of way: it was allowed to go wild trading assets artificially resistant to failure. Even the quantity of assets (mortgages) traded with CDSs was a result of long-term government incentives.

    I’m not arguing that regulation of these markets shouldn’t be part of the solution, just that it bad to not consider government activity to be part of the problem.

  21. Ed Marshall Says:

    The credit default swaps were largely traded on mortgages backed by pseudo-federal agencies (correctly) assumed by companies to be effectively immune to failure.

    Ok, I guess I’m thick. I’m assuming you are talking about Fannie/Freddie mortgages. The government assumed the risk, as you acknowledge. What role does this play in any of this? If they wanted to correctly assume this, you could have restricted your betting to the Fannie/Freddie tranches.

  22. Ed Marshall Says:

    One more thing, CDS worked because the people playing the game would have given you damn near even odds of Lehman Brothers collapsing vs. the federal government collapsing. All these firms knitted themselves together using exactly this assumption. When the economic history is written no way are Fannie/Freddie going to be relevant. It will be a story of “how the hell did they do this” and regulation won’t be part of the story.

  23. David Strauss Says:

    “Ok, I guess I’m thick. I’m assuming you are talking about Fannie/Freddie mortgages. The government assumed the risk, as you acknowledge. What role does this play in any of this?”

    It creates a “moral hazard.”

    “If they wanted to correctly assume this, you could have restricted your betting to the Fannie/Freddie tranches.”

    An extremely large percentage of mortgages are backed by Fannie/Freddie.

  24. MNPundit Says:

    Does he realize that Pelosi is Speaker of the House of Representatives and Obama President of the United States? If I thought those people had beliefs so crazy, I’d be doing more than writing sarcastic blog posts.

    Why? Isn’t that what you did for the entirety of the Bush Administration?

  25. David Strauss Says:

    “One more thing, CDS worked because the people playing the game would have given you damn near even odds of Lehman Brothers collapsing vs. the federal government collapsing.”

    And now, with the bailout, we’ve given federal backing behind the idea that you can treat huge firms as if they’re as likely to fail as the government itself. It seems that, if you’re large enough, you’ll get bailed out if there’s a government there to do it.

    For Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, this sort of bailout was expected. For less government-affiliated firms, it was less so.

  26. David Strauss Says:

    “[...] in truth they were undercapitalized, and indeed a lot of their regulatory capital took the form of deferred tax credits that only had value if they were making money (which obviously is not the sort of capital that is particularly useful as a reserve against losses). Accordingly, just small increases in deliquency rates and/or a loss of confidence in the credit markets could have led to insolvency.”

  27. David Strauss Says:

    “[…] in truth they were undercapitalized, and indeed a lot of their regulatory capital took the form of deferred tax credits that only had value if they were making money (which obviously is not the sort of capital that is particularly useful as a reserve against losses). Accordingly, just small increases in deliquency rates and/or a loss of confidence in the credit markets could have led to insolvency.”

    Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac both have the federally granted ability to back mortgages with lower reserves than allowed for any normal firms. Although, as you said, GSE-backed mortgages only had elevated (not overwhelming) levels of failure, it was enough to cause market panic around the solvency of the organizations behind them. This panic was a driver behind the “just small increases in deliquency rates and/or a loss of confidence in the credit markets” that eventually resulted in the widespread failure resulting from high leverage ratios resting on top of these mortgages.

    I’m not disputing your conclusion that further regulation of non-governmental firms would likely be helpful to future stability, just arguing that the amplification of risk/panic is as important to consider as the original source of risk/panic.

  28. David Strauss Says:

    DTM, I think your last post is not only well-reasoned and erudite but also worthy of being the “last word” in our little debate. Enjoy the rest of your weekend.

  29. Marvin Danielson Says:

    I assume Yglesias didn’t mean to restrict his regulatory logic to particulates, as he does in his first example. But it’s an interesting question as far as property rights and legal distinctions goes:

    Does it make a difference that some emissions are somebody else’s thing that comes to rest, ultimately, on top of my thing, while other emissions are just generalized threats with no specific location?

    Certainly that’s the claim under the current EPA regime, though I’m not sure that’s quite the reasoning this Administration was using (prior to its invalidation by the Supreme Court). What I’m saying is, property rights might not be a strong enough claim in all cases.

  30. Rationalitate Says:

    If you’re looking for synergy between liberal (i.e., Democratic party-ish) and libertarian ideas, climate change is actually a great place to start: if it weren’t for land use restrictions (zoning and minimum parking regulations) that spread us out farther apart than we would otherwise build, we’d likely live more densely and in smaller spaces (or, similar sized spaces stacked atop each other, which are more efficient when it comes to heating and cooling, and don’t take up as much otherwise-natural land), global warming as we know it (not to mention intense dependence on oil) likely wouldn’t have happened.

  31. brian Says:

    Why is the libertarian, rights-based argument against negative externalities restricted to only non-pecuniary damages? Most would agree that you don’t have the right to hurt me; these offenses include physical assault and pollution. However, why don’t pecuniary damages fall into this?

    For example, lets say I like apples. Now, a new, large company decides to make a new brand of pre-packed apple pies, buying up lots of apples in the process. This new market demand pushes up the price of apples, making me worse off. This is a negative externality, too, even if economists ignore it on account of the fact that it is a pecuniary externality (an hence has no bearing on efficiency). So why isn’t it considered a violation of rights?

  32. Bill Stepp Says:

    Where are the socialists?

    A socialist economist is a contradiction, as Mises pointed out. I would also say that even left-wingers who are closer to libertarians don’t really understand the market.

  33. superheater Says:

    You might have a better shot at “liberal/libertarian fusionism” if liberals had a shred of intellectual and moral integrity, rather than being over-educated children fetishizing kleptocracy by dressing it in the trappings of a coherent economic philosophy.

  34. Russell Nelson Says:

    I’m underwhelmed, Matt. Why, when there are obvious problems with private property ownership of clean air, do you immediately jump to “well, let’s have the government confiscate that right from everyone everywhere for all time”? Are you, like Krugman, allowing your politics to interfere with your economics?

    Second, stick to your knitting. When you say “unlimited levels of greenhouse gases making the world hotter and hotter and hotter” it is clear that you have allowed other people to dictate your politics to you, based on unrealiable science. Doubling the amount of CO2 would not double the expected increase in temperature. There’s a downward slope to that curve, and it approaches zero pretty quickly, where increased amounts of CO2 have no effect on the atmosphere.

  35. Strat Says:

    Russell Nelson:
    “Why, when there are obvious problems with private property ownership of clean air, do you immediately jump to “well, let’s have the government confiscate that right from everyone everywhere for all time”?”

    The problem is not “private property ownership of clean air;” it is that nobody owns clean air. I think that what Matt is arguing is that ownership of clean air requires a legal structure in which you can’t impair the clean air that I own without compensating me for it. Which requires government intervention to define and enforce such a right.

  36. Gene Callahan Says:

    Ah, dtm, it must be wonderfully simple to live in a world where, when government regulation fails miserably, the solution is always government regulation!

  37. Silas Barta Says:

    Ah, Gene_Callahan, it must be wonderfully simple to live in a world where the economic calculation problem conveniently stops existing the moment that you realize property rights would make your gasoline (for driving on government roads) just a little more expensive!

  38. Silas Barta Says:

    Apparently, my previous comment is going to be indefinitely in moderator limbo, so I’m going to post it again, unfortunately without the links, which will make it harder to follow … but you can just search for the discussions on my website. Here goes (unless I get help up against for posting twice in such a short period):

    ****

    I’m a long-time hard-core libertarian, and let me say, it just get scarier by the minute. With the financial crisis, I’ve found myself in perfect agreement with left-wing posters more and more often. And now, Matt, you just made a post on the issue that almost have been written by me!

    I think you would be very interested in a dispute I’ve been having with Bob_Murphy, a widely-respected libertarian (who just linked your post btw). I detail the start of the conflict here on my blog and then later lament the lack of principle libertarians have been attacking the issue with.

    When Bob_Murphy linked your post, he complained that you unfairly attacked the intelligence and integrity of libertarians who oppose government carbon caps. Well, if you did, you were spot on. Take Bob_Murphy’s case. What stupid, dishonest things did his opposition to C&T lead him to say? Read the first link. Here’s what we got from him:

    - Even if all the science is right, carbon caps can’t possibly reflect genuine scarcity.
    - A *true*, free market solution should be based on property rights — even though he would *also* oppose any kind of atmospheric property rights division that would make his gas just a little more expensive.
    - Cap-and-trade “is not a market solution”, solely because he disagrees with it, even though it does use markets and quasi-ownership.

    Anyway, I could go on, but the point is: it’s a really sad day when it’s liberals who have to remind libertarians what libertarian principles are…

  39. TokyoTom Says:

    “In the real world, “the Greens” believe that the negative externalities associated with carbon dioxide emissions should be priced and limited in quantity. It’s worth going back to first principles on markets, property rights, and air pollution. To have a functioning market, you need to have property rights. And property rights need to be defined in some way or other.”

    Matt, I think you’ve correctly identified the common ground between some environmentalists and libertarians, but to be fair it is clear that many on the left take a moral stance against allowing any “rights to pollute” or pricing of what they think ought to simply be banned.

    I agree that many libertarians have failed to explain their concerns about the roll-out of what looks to be a pervasive and heavy program of government regulation that purports to be targeted at climate change but also promises endless opportunities for government favoritism while driving up prices throughout the economy for perhaps neglible benefits. But environmentalists have likewise failed to address these concerns about the likely abuse and ineffectualness of government action.

    A productive engagement would start with the question of property rights, would then acknowledge the impracticability of creating real property rights in the atmosphers, and would then examine what policies – in the context of a single atmosphere with multiple states – would be most effective, most fair and suject to the least degree of rent-seeking abuse.

  40. TokyoTom Says:

    Matt, BTW I saw Jeery Taylor’s response to your Cato piece and left a few comments here.

  41. MichaelCote Says:

    It doesn’t matter that he thinks that, Matthew. All that matters is that you take the bait and go on the defensive. Seems to me Cato is still an effective diversionary smoke screen.

  42. Sonic Charmer Says:

    I’m late to this party but here’s the problem I see with Matthew’s superficially reasonable-sounding framework. As he writes, method 1 of property rights is that any landowner anywhere can dictate emission of, well, anything they choose from anywhere else. Method 2 is free-for-all which is self-explanatory. Matthew therefore proposes method 3 which is supposedly a middle ground, and supposedly it is under method 3 that it makes sense to regulate carbon dioxide (which Matthew and others sometimes call “carbon” for some reason).

    There are two basic problems with this. 1. Unlike other things Matthew cites – soot, sulfur dioxide, etc. – carbon dioxide is a colorless, odorless gas and not a “pollutant” by any historically-understood definition of the term. Calling it a “pollutant” or grouping it with pollutants is an attempt to smuggle the desired outcome in with the terminology. 2. The notion that carbon dioxide being emitted into the atmosphere will, as Matthew has it, “[make] the world hotter and hotter and hotter and hotter with all sorts of deleterious consequences for people’s lives” is based entirely on computer simulations whose results not everyone is comfortable basing policy on and even if were true Matthew is clearly exaggerating anyway. (For example, I have worked on such simulations, and I do not place much stock in them.)

    It may be that Matthew’s characterization of the simulations is right and carbon dioxide -> “hotter and hotter and hotter and hotter”. If so, then Matthew’s argument works. Or, it may be that the simulations are wrong – missing some key factor or effect, for example. (And in either case Matthew may be exaggerating them). If this is the case then Matthew thinks he is using “middle ground” Method 3 of property rights while in fact he is actually using method 1: declaring “I have the right to limit carbon dioxide!” with no good basis.

    Which is the case? Well, that is what is under dispute: whether the model results can be trusted (and exaggerated indefinitely). Matthew’s framing of this as a matter of different definitions of property rights (two extremes, and his “middle ground”) papers over this basic fact: not everyone is in agreement over whether the simulations are trustworthy enough to base policy on. Matthew and others are free to disagree with my skepticism of the simulations but let’s at least keep the dispute centered on where it belongs – are the simulations correct or not.

    And if nothing else, one thing is certain: Matthew Yglesias does not know the first thing about the simulations he appears or pretends to believe show that carbon dioxide will make the world “hotter and hotter and hotter and hotter”.

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